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An Inquiry into the Nature and Progress of Rent, and the Principles by Which It is Regulated — обложка книги
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An Inquiry into the Nature and Progress of Rent, and the Principles by Which It is Regulated

Автор Thomas Robert Malthus
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Дата написания1970-01-01
Язык книгиen
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Жанры
зарубежная деловая литератураличные финансыценные бумаги / инвестициикниги по экономикезарубежная образовательная литературазарубежная старинная литература

Описание

В трактате Томаса Роберта Мальтуса рассматривается природа аренды и прибыли, их взаимосвязь с экономическим развитием и ролью налогов, капитала и собственности. Автор критикует традиционные монопольные представления о ренте и подчёркивает, что арендная плата формируется из избыточного производства, а не из монополии. Он также различает прибыль фермеров и ренту землевладельцев, анализируя влияние капитала и безопасности собственности на сельское хозяйство.

Главный конфликт / проблема

Какова природа аренды и прибыли, и как они влияют на экономику и производство?

Ключевые идеи

  • Аренда земли – часть национального дохода, но не монополия.
  • Высокая цена сырья обусловлена природными особенностями почвы и спросом, а не монопольным контролем.
  • Рост аренды связан с накоплением капитала, ростом населения и улучшением сельского хозяйства.
  • Налоги на сельскохозяйственный капитал могут замедлять развитие и уменьшать аренду.
  • Переоценка аренды без учёта временных колебаний цен приводит к потере земли и снижению производства.
  • Земля может приносить только прибыль и труд, а не обязательно ренту.
  • Недостаток капитала и безопасности собственности снижает усилия земледельцев и рост населения.
  • Прибыль и рента – разные экономические явления, их следует различать.
  • Высокие цены на зерно и труд взаимосвязаны, но не полностью независимы.
  • Переизбыток прибыли может вести к расточительности, но в целом является источником накопления капитала.

Вывод

Аренда и прибыль – не одно и то же; их уровень определяется балансом между ценой сырья, затратами и капиталом, а не монополией; экономические политики должны учитывать эти факторы.

Кому полезна

  • Экономисты
  • Историки экономической мысли
  • Студенты экономических дисциплин
  • Политики
  • Исследователи сельского хозяйства

Главные темы

  • Аренда как часть национального дохода
  • Различие между рентой и прибылью
  • Влияние налогов и капитала на сельское хозяйство
  • Критика традиционных экономических теорий

Персонажи

  • Томас Роберт Мальтус — Экономист, анализирующий взаимосвязь ренты, прибыли и производства, показывает, как аренда связана с природными факторами и экономическим развитием.
  • Адам Смит — Представлен как автор, который частично понимает аренду, но не полностью объясняет её причины. Мальтус критикует его взгляды на прибыль и драгоценные металлы.
  • Мистер Колчон — Предоставил статистику, подтверждающую соотношение стоимости земли и производства.
  • Сэр Джон Синклер — Предоставил сведения о повышении производства и доли рент в Шотландии.
  • Артур Ян — Предоставил доказательства, подтверждающие аргументы Мальтуса.

Цитаты

  • «The rent of land is a portion of the national revenue, which has always been considered as of very high importance.»
  • «The high price of raw produce, which occasions rent, is as injurious to the consumer as it is advantageous to the landlord.»
  • «Я не могу согласиться с тем, что вся земля, приносящая пищу, обязательно приносит ренту.»
  • «Прибыль – это избыточный доход, который не пропорционален потребностям владельцев капитала.»

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In treating of productive and unproductive labour in the last volume, he observes,4 that, 'The net surplus by which the Economists estimate the utility of agriculture, plainly arises from the high price of its produce, which, however advantageous to the landlord who receives it, is surely no advantage to the consumer who pays it. Were the produce of agriculture to be sold for a lower price, the same net surplus would not remain, after defraying the expenses of cultivation; but agriculture would be still equally productive to the general stock; and the only difference would be, that as the landlord was formerly enriched by the high price, at the expense of the community, the community would now profit by the low price at the expense of the landlord. The high price in which the rent or net surplus originates, while it enriches the landlord who has the produce of agriculture to sell, diminishes in the same proportion the wealth of those who are its purchasers; and on this account it is quite inaccurate to consider the landlord's rent as a clear addition to the national wealth.' In other parts of his work he uses the same, or even stronger language, and in a note on the subject of taxes, he speaks of the high price of the produce of land as advantageous to those who receive it, it but proportionably injurious to those who pay it. 'In this view,' he adds, 'it can form no general addition to the stock of the community, as the net surplus in question is nothing more than a revenue transferred from one class to another, and from the mere circumstance of its thus changing hands, it is clear that no fund can arise out of which to pay taxes. The revenue which pays for the produce of land exists already in the hands of those who purchase that produce; and, if the price of subsistence were lower, it would still remain in their hands, where it would be just as available for taxation, as when by a higher price it is transferred to the landed proprietor.' 5

That there are some circumstances connected with rent, which have an affinity to a natural monopoly, will be readily allowed. The extent of the earth itself is limited, and cannot be enlarged by human demand. And the inequality of soils occasions, even at an early period of society a comparative scarcity of the best lands; and so far is undoubtedly one of the causes of rent properly so called. On this account, perhaps, the term partial monopoly might be fairly applicable. But the scarcity of land, thus implied, is by no means alone sufficient to produce the effects observed. And a more accurate investigation of the subject will show us how essentially different the high price of raw produce is, both in its nature and origin, and the laws by which it is governed, from the high price of a common monopoly.

The causes of the high price of raw produce may be stated to be three.

First, and mainly, that quality of the earth, by which it can be made to yield a greater portion of the necessaries of life than is required for the maintenance of the persons employed on the land.

Secondly, that quality peculiar to the necessaries of life of being able to create their own demand, or to raise up a number of demanders in proportion to the quantity of necessaries produced.

And, thirdly, the comparative scarcity of the most fertile land.

The qualities of the soil and of its products, here noticed as the primary causes of the high price of raw produce, are the gifts of nature to man. They are quite unconnected with monopoly, and yet are so absolutely essential to the existence of rent, that without them, no degree of scarcity or monopoly could have occasioned that excess of the price of raw produce, above the cost of production, which shows itself in this form.

If, for instance, the soil of the earth had been such, that, however well directed might have been the industry of man, he could not have produced from it more than was barely sufficient to maintain those, whose labour and attention were necessary to its products; though, in this case, food and raw materials would have been evidently scarcer than at present, and the land might have been, in the same manner, monopolized by particular owners; vet it is quite clear, that neither rent, nor any essential surplus produce of the land in the form of high profits, could have existed.

It is equally clear, that if the necessaries of life the most important products of land—had not the property of creating an increase of demand proportioned to their increased quantity, such increased quantity would occasion a fall in their exchangeable value. However abundant might be the produce of a country, its population might remain stationary And this abundance, without a proportionate demand, and with a very high corn price of labour, which would naturally take place under these circumstances, might reduce the price of raw produce, like the price of manufactures, to the cost of production.

It has been sometimes argued, that it is mistaking the principle of population, to imagine, that the increase of food, or of raw produce alone, can occasion a proportionate increase of population. This is no doubt true; but it must be allowed, as has been justly observed by Adam Smith, that 'when food is provided, it is comparatively easy to find the necessary clothing and lodging. And it should always be recollected, that land does not produce one commodity alone, but in addition to that most indispensable of all commodities—food—it produces also the materials for the other necessaries of life; and the labour required to work up these materials is of course never excluded from the consideration.6

It is, therefore, strictly true, that land produces the necessaries of life, produces food, materials, and labour, produces the means by which, and by which alone, an increase of people may be brought into being, and supported. In this respect it is fundamentally different from every other kind of machine known to man; and it is natural to suppose, that it should be attended with some peculiar effects.

If the cotton machinery, in this country, were to go on increasing at its present rate, or even much faster; but instead of producing one particular sort of substance which may be used for some parts of dress and furniture, etc. had the qualities of land, and could yield what, with the assistance of a little labour, economy, and skill, could furnish food, clothing, and lodging, in such proportions as to create an increase of population equal to the increased supply of these necessaries; the demand for the products of such improved machinery would continue in excess above the cost of production, and this excess would no longer exclusively belong to the machinery of the land.7

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